Making of the Great Game Players: Tibetan Students in Britain Between 1913 and 1917

Tsering Shakya

*First published in Tibetan Review, 21.1 (1986), pp. 12-17. Reproduced by kind permission of the editors of Tibetan Review.

On 22 April 1913 a short article appeared in The Standard headed, “Tibetans visit London”. The reporter wrote: “Within the next few days London will see the strangest visitors who have set foot in the streets of the metropolis!” It was certainly the strangest episode of Anglo-Tibetan relations in the beginning of this century. The whole episode had both a comical and serious side. It was comical for the naivete which was shown by the people who were involved, but on the serious side, it was a part of the Tibetans' genuine desire to modernize through education. The decision to send the students to England had serious political implications surpassing mere Anglo-Tibetan cordiality. China and Russia may have viewed this as an extension of British interest (control?) in the internal affairs of Tibet; both Russia and China could well have objected to Britain taking any part in the venture. The event did not go unnoticed in Peking and St. Petersburg.

Sir George Buchanan
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On 17 February 1913 the British ambassador in St. Petersburg, Sir George Buchanan telegrammed the foreign office in London stating that reports had appeared in the Russian press that fifteen Tibetan students would be arriving in Russia accompanied by the enigmatic Dorjieff for study in Russian institutions. Thus what the British called the ‘Dalai Lama's educational experiment’ became interwoven in the intricacy of Central Asian politics. The arrival of Tibetan students in England and the willingness of the British to help in the venture can be seen as the beginning of a race to place English educated Tibetans in the Tibetan Government, and to teach Tibetans how to play the Great Game.

The decision to send the students to England was an experiment for the 13th Dalai Lama and Tibet. Since his exile years in India, the Dalai Lama's eyes had been opened to the wonders of the modern world. His experiences in exile strengthened his desire to “modernise” Tibet (or at least point it in the right direction). Upon his return to Lhasa he had immediately come to the decision (with the help of British officers like Sir Charles Bell) to send Tibetan students abroad for education, which would have great benefits for Tibet in the future.

Lungshar and the four Tibetan students just before leaving for England
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 On 5 April 1913 the party departed for England from Bombay on the S.S. Arabia. The party consisted of four students: Mundo, who was a monk, aged seventeen; Kyipu and Gongkar, aged sixteen; and Ringang who was the youngest, aged eleven. The boys were accompanied by a Tibetan official, Kusho Lungshar, and his wife and two servants, one of whom spoke some English. The British gave Basil Gould, who was the trade agent at Gyantse, the special duty of accompanying the party to England, and they also appointed Laden la, a police officer in Darjeeling, as Gould's assistant and interpreter to the party. Before the party left India an unexpected twist to the episode occurred. The British intelligence in Calcutta intercepted a telegram, to a Chinese official named Lu Chi, from the Chinese Government in Peking. In this telegram, instructions were given to Lu Chi to stop the party leaving India at all costs. The intelligence service subsequently reported that Kusho Lungshar was meeting Japanese agents and making possible arrangements in Japan. All these reports greatly alarmed the British, who felt the party should leave for England as soon as possible.

From the start the whole experiment seems to have been doomed to failure. There were too many interested parties, and not one of them knew exactly what this experiment was supposed to produce; perhaps it was only an experiment and its success or failure did not matter. Lungshar's Japanese flirtation made the British very wary of him and his wife. It was the beginning of an antagonism between Lungshar and the British, which lasted till the end. British officers from the India Office found Lungshar extremely difficult to work with. The British never understood what Lungshar was doing in England nor his relationship with the students. Was he, as he thought, an ambassador to the Court of St. James and the legal guardian of the boys? Lungshar thought he was both, but the British did not accept his position with regard to the students or his political status. Whatever Lungshar thought of himself, he was excluded from all arrangements. Throughout Lungshar's stay in England, British officials in the India Office in London and in Simla were urging Lonchen Shatra, who was attending the Simla Conference, to recall Lungshar back to India immediately. Meanwhile, the party was accommodated at The Warren, Heathend, Farnham, which was close to a well-known army “crammer”. Lungshar objected to being outside London. He told Gould and Laden la that he had been instructed by the Dalai Lama to send the boys to a school in London. His protests went unnoticed. At Farnham the boys were enrolled at the Berlitz School of Languages.

For the first three months of their stay in England, members of the party were treated as state guests and the sum of seven hundred and fifty pounds was made available from the India Office's treasury for their entertainment. This was a considerable sum at the time. The party was liberally entertained by the British Government; usually such courtesies were reserved for visiting royalty from distant colonies. At The Warren the party was lavishly treated, and provided with six English servants. During their stay they were entertained by society hosts. On 28 June 1913, Lungshar and the four boys were invited to Buckingham Palace to have an audience with King George and the Queen. Lungshar handed over the gifts sent by the Dalai Lama and in return he was handed gifts for the Dalai Lama. The party's visit to the Palace was reported in the press. It must have been a bewildering experience for them, from the familiarity and simplicity of Lhasa to the complexity of the conventions of Edwardian England. For the next three months the boys had to be trained as pakka English gentlemen. They had to learn all the correct pursuits of a gentleman: golfing, riding, and most importantly cricket. Then there was the proper etiquette of dressing. Their tutor, E. Gould, wrote that, ‘They have practically no underclothing’! The boys entered a well-known army “crammer” near Farnham, to learn the complex etiquette of English Gentlemen.

Lungshar, Gongkar, Ringang, Möndro and Kyibu II at Buckingham Palace
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Meanwhile the most important decision was yet to be made: which school should the boys attend? There was no doubt that it ought to be one of the great English public schools. The choice was not easy, for the boys were already over the age limit for proper channels of education, and the success of the experiment depended on the right decision. The British had a definite idea what the end product should be. In an instruction to Mr. E. Gould, the tutor in charge of the students, the objective of the experiment was set out clearly:

The main objective is to educate the boys as loyal, public-spirited and upright Tibetans; to stimulate their minds without interference with their religion… who will be united to England by ties of affection and esteem and, after returning to Tibet, will demonstrate the success of Dalai Lama's educational experiment and encourage the Tibetans to look to England, rather than to other countries as the training ground of their young men!  

The confidential note of instruction from the India Office was sent to the tutors and to the school. If the British objective was to be realized the choice of school was the most important factor for its success or failure. Basil Gould and A. Hertzel, T.W. Arnold and Shuckburgh from the India Office agreed that the best choice was Cheltenham. B. Gould wrote that there were two advantages which Cheltenham held over the other schools. Cheltenham provided the highest number of recruits for the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Army. Secondly, Rev. Canon Waterfield, the headmaster of Cheltenham was a close personal friend of Bell. Thus it was hoped that the future Anglo-Tibetan relationship would be drawn in the playing fields at Cheltenham and based on the “old boys network”.

Rev. Canon Waterfield, headmaster of Cheltenham, was enthusiastic about the experiment. He later wrote to the India Office, “I have been interested in the Tibetan boys from the point of view of British national interests.” Nevertheless he was doubtful about the success of the project; he commented in a letter to the India Office, “It seems to me that the Dalai Lama made a great mistake and prejudiced the success of his scheme from the outset in selecting boys of sixteen instead of boys of twelve or thirteen.” Then suddenly the Cheltenham episode once again became part of a political dispute. On August 1913, Rev. Waterfield wrote to B. Gould in a tone of great urgency and bewilderment in which he stated that the head of the Chinese mission in London had been in communication with school and himself for the possible admission of his boys to Cheltenham. The Chinese minister's son was bright, at the top of his class and very young. There were no reasonable grounds to reject the application. A few days later, the Chinese minister contacted the school again, this time for the admission to the school none other than the three sons of the first President of China, Yuan Shih-k'ai. Rev. Waterfield was anxious to know what all this meant and felt that his school was involved in an international conflict. After a few days he wrote to Gould again for his advice, “I cannot think that there is anything to this beyond a “mere coincidence”, but it is strange and I do not want to be involved in the international complications of the Far East. It is rather perplexing to me.” B. Gould and officials of the India Office were reluctant to believe that it was a “mere coincidence”. They saw it as a Chinese attempt to jeopardise the project. First they tried to persuade Rev. Waterfield to reject the Chinese. The India Office saw that the presence of the Chinese would be an obstacle to the admission of the Tibetan boys. It was certainly more prestigious for Cheltenham to have children of the first President of China than four over-aged boys from minor aristocratic families of Tibet. The Foreign Office wrote to the India Office, “It is a big thing for Cheltenham that the first President of the Chinese Republic should wish to send his sons there.” The Foreign Office was not going to urge Cheltenham to refuse the Chinese boys. This was the end of Cheltenham. In his book, B. Gould never mentioned the Cheltenham episode. Gould and the India Office felt it to be a failure.

How did the Chinese know that the Tibetan boys were to be admitted at Cheltenham? Did the Chinese succeed in jeopardising the experiment? Basil Gould was in no doubt that it was premeditated action on the part of the Chinese. He wrote to the India Office, “It is difficult to believe that this sudden Chinese onslaught upon Cheltenham where it was in contemplation to send the four Tibetans, is a mere coincidence. We know from telegrams intercepted in India that the Chinese minister in London was instructed from Peking to keep the Tibetan party in England under close observation.”

In the event, it was decided that Rugby was the second best. Rugby was one of the best English public schools and had a great reputation for producing Empire-builders. Thus it was hoped that the fate of the future Anglo-Tibetan relationship would be established on the fields of Rugby. There was not much time before the new term started at Rugby. The boys had made great progress in learning English and proved themselves to be capable of academic work. The headmaster of Rugby, Mr. A.A. David, was willing to accept the boys into the school, but the problem of the boys' age remained.

Mr. A. A. David

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In January 1914, the four boys were admitted to Rugby on an informal basis. Since the boys were over-aged and had no experience of formal education, they felt that they should not be introduced to the rigorous life of a public school immediately. The boys were accommodated just outside the school with their newly appointed tutor, Col. Richardson, who had served in Burma. He was a military man who undertook his duty with great enthusiasm. Col. Richardson, with the help of the India Office, acquired the newly published book on the Tibetan language by Sir Charles Bell. Unfortunately, it seems that it was not a success. The tutor's responsibilities were clearly set out in an India Office instruction. It was his duty to see to all aspects of the boys' well-being. During the holidays he was required to accompany the boys and give them their lessons. The tutor was recommended that the students should spend their holidays in the country rather than in a big city or town. It was felt that the gaiety of city life might be a bad influence upon the boys. Under the tutelage of Col. Richardson, the boys were becoming familiar with English life, and came to look upon Col. Richardson as more than a tutor.

Richardson’s home became theatrical at times. Once Col. Richardson wrote to Mr. Shuckburgh at the India Office.

Kyipu, who's quite a fascinating character, after a morning's geometry announced at lunch that, “angles were all nonsense”. My wife and I took much pains to explain to him that by angles one gets the distance of the sun, things at sea, and the height of mountains and that there were much use in them. Then Ringang chipped in, “To get the height of a mountain without measuring it is a miracle. But angles are nonsense.”

All this provided amusement to the Richardson family.

Ringang
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At Rugby the boys took off in their own directions; reading their school reports provides us with a wealth of information. Ringang, the youngest boy, unexpectedly proved himself as a bit of a brain. He mastered the English language flawlessly and was competent to join the rest of the boys at Rugby. Ringang was later admitted to the school's boarding house; he left Richardson's house and became a full time student. It had been only a few months ago that Ringang had been confidently announcing that angles were nonsense. He turned out to be a mathematician. Throughout his school years, Ringang was top of his class in mathematics, and he was good at physics. E. Gould had written earlier, “To my mind the most attractive of the boys and a very bright intelligent boy”. All the staff who came to teach Ringang were in agreement that he was very clever. Ringang was flourishing in his school work. He took up studying Latin, French and German; unfortunately and understandably he did not do so well in it as he had in maths, in which he excelled. As for the other boys, they found difficulties both at school work and socially. We have to remember that Kyipu, Mundo and Gongkar were very much older than Ringang. Since they had been at the school they had to sit with students much younger than themselves. Therefore, it would have been difficult for them to mingle unobtrusively with other boys in the playing fields. Gongkar and Mundo were nowhere near as intelligent as Ringang but they managed what they were taught and did their best to understand. In Mundo's report for Trinity term 1915, the headmaster wrote, “He has won our respect here for his industry and trustworthiness”, and similarly Gongkar was much praised for his hard work and his eagerness to learn. On 30 March 1914 it was reported in the Daily Mail in a short article titled, “Mr. Ringang at Rugby” that “Mundo the eldest broke out during the term in a most surprising direction. He has developed into a pianist though pianos are unknown in his own country. He also has a fine, rich voice and was bubbling over with joy because on the previous night in an interhouse choral contest his side gained a victory”. Though Mundo was not a virtuoso by any means, it was certainly an achievement. He was becoming increasingly homesick, and told Col. Richardson and people at India Office that he wished to return to Tibet as soon as possible.

Gongkar, Kyipu and Mundo had already reached school-leaving age. This was becoming an increasingly serious problem which occupied the minds of Col. Richardson and the education advisors at the India offices. The three boys had only had one and a half years of any formal education. What should be done? They were not making much progress at Rugby that would enable them to continue further studies at university or college. First they wrote to Bell for his advice and consulted him as to what the Dalai Lama's wish would be. Bell correctly stated that upon the students' return to Tibet, they must be seen to bring immediate benefit to Tibet and to her current political situation. He urged, “The main objective of the Tibetan Government is to increase their country's security and their country's revenue”. Thus he suggested military training, which would enable them to defend themselves, and mining or irrigation, which would increase resources.

The 13th Dalai Lama with Charles Bell and Maharaj Kumar Sidkeong Trul-ku, 1910
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Meanwhile in the India Office fierce debates were going on. There appeared to be two schools of thought. There were those who thought that any form of further training was doomed to failure, and others thought that it was the duty of the India Office to provide some form of training, however rudimentary. They all felt that the Tibetan Government's expectations could not be fulfilled as far as Kyipu, Gongkar and Mundo were concerned. Arnold wrote, “It might be explained to the Tibetan Government that education is not a mechanical process like turning a lathe and regard must be paid to the capacity of the individual student”. Although Arnold felt that there was not much chance of the boys becoming experts of any kind, he felt that steps should be taken to train the boys as far as possible on the lines desired by the Tibetan Government. He was opposed by people like L. Abranham who in a letter to Arnold dated 18 August 1915 stated,”lt would only be cruelty to let the Tibetan authorities cherish the illusion that their naive aspiration may have any chance of being realised.” He was supported by Shuckburgh. Arnold was adamant in his argument; in his reply to L. Abranham's letter, he wrote, “Nobody supposes that Kyipu can be converted into a first class irrigation expert according to Western standards, any more than Mondo is expected to become a mining or Gongkar to develop into a second Von Hindenburg”. He felt that they should as far as possible provide boys with an opportunity to train in an area which would be of some use to Tibet in the future. Despite opposition and the practical problems of finance, Arnold and his school won the day. The boys were asked what field they wish to pursue. We do not know how they came to choose their particular fields as they did. It seems that their choice conformed to Bell's advice. Gongkar chose a military career. His tutor, Col. Richardson, arranged for Gongkar to be attached to the Northumberland Fusiliers, which was Col. Richardson's old regiment. It was not entirely easy, as most regiments were engaged in active duty in France or in Germany and it was most unusual for a foreigner to be attached to a British regiment. The India Office had to seek the permission of the War Office, and personally from Lord Kitchener. The permission was duly granted. Gongkar was finally attached to the 10th Battalion of the East Yorkshire Regiment. He was allowed to wear a uniform without a badge. His name did not appear in the officer's list. His official title was, “Cadet Officer without rank”. The regiment was informed that Gongkar was a very important cadet from Tibet and on his return he would occupy highest rank in the Tibetan army.

Gongkar's military training was interrupted by the First World War. The 10th Battalion of the East Yorkshire Regiment had to proceed to France. There was no possibility of Gongkar following the regiment to France. It was agreed that the only suitable option was to seek further training in a military college in India.

On 11 April 1916 Gongkar left for Bombay and reached Lhasa in July of that year. On his arrival in Lhasa he was given an audience with the Dalai Lama. For a brief period Gongkar was placed under Tsarong to train Tibetan soldiers. Charles Bell wrote to the India Office; “He (Tsarong) is not making quite as much as he might of Gongkar’s experience.” In 1918 Gongkar returned to India for further military training. It was arranged that he would join the 3rd Battalion of Garhwal Rifles. On his way to join the Battalion, Gongkar was struck by very serious pneumonia. He died in India. The question of how much he would have benefited the future development of the Tibetan army or the development of Tibet itself is an interesting one. Nevertheless from the evidence of the other three boys, we can conclude that Gongkar would not have made a great deal of difference to what was already occurring at the time.

Kyipu was seventeen when he entered Rugby, and so he found school work difficult and incomprehensible. His teachers found him difficult and mannerless. In his report at the end of Trinity term 1915, his housemaster wrote, “He is somewhat mannerless and gauche. For his years he is extraordinarily unbusinesslike and irresponsible.” In his headmaster's report, Mr. David has written, “We have not yet succeeded in finding any work to which he can give himself wholeheartedly but we have not despaired yet.” Later in the term his housemaster wrote to the India Office, asking if the Dalai Lama would object to his caning Kyipu? Mr Odgers at the India Office had already asked other boys what the punishment was in Tibet, when he learned that it was far more severe than at Rugby. The India Office wrote saying that the Dalai Lama would not object to caning, since the punishment in Tibet was so severe that caning would be thought to be mild. Kyipu was duly caned.

Kyipu was a dunce, which led to his form master using extreme language in his report. The headmaster was more cautious in his report. He wrote, “I don’t agree that he is an idiot, but I think his form master means it only affectionately.” We don't know whether Kyipu was naturally obtuse or he was handicapped by language and his age. Perhaps it was a combination of both which inhibited his progress.

The question of Kyipu's further education became urgent. He had already reached school-leaving age. Colonel Richardson, his tutor, wrote to Arnold at the India Office about the possibility of Kyipu being trained as a journalist or in some kind of printing profession. Colonel Richardson commented, “in the future (Kyipu) may run a Tibetan Daily Mail.” But the India Office had a different plan. Arnold wrote back to Colonel Richardson, suggesting that it would be more beneficial for Tibet if Kyipu could return to India and engage in a course in irrigation. For the first time Kyipu showed some initiative and reached the conclusion that he wanted to study geography. On 4 September 1915 Kyipu wrote to the India Office and stated that he wished to study geography, “because I think it is most essential thing to introduce maps in Tibet.” Arnold at the India Office was agreeable that, if Kyipu wished to study geography and saw benefits to Tibet in his doing so, then he should do that. But the India Office was well aware that Kyipu did not have the academic qualification to pursue a proper course in geography in an academic institution. If Kyipu seriously wished to study geography, he would need to enrol in a course that would be suitable for his need and ability. The India Office requested advice on this matter from the Royal Geographical Society, whose president was Colonel Younghusband who led the 1904 “Younghusband Expedition”. Younghusband was enthusiastic about the project and agreed that a suitable course for Kyipu was needed. It was rightly felt Kyipu would gain most from a private course adapted for his own needs. Following the advice of the Royal Geographical Society, Kyipu was placed under the tutelage of Mr Reeves who was a cartographer for the RGS. Kyipu soon found himself carrying out an elementary survey of Reigate Common, where Mr Reeves lived. Unfortunately, Kyipu's venture into cartography was not much of a success. Next it was felt Kyipu might do better in telegraphy. By January 1917 Arnold at the India Office had already reached the conclusion that, as he wrote, “It is clear that no amount of training will make Kyipu expert in any kind of professional activity whatsoever.” At the same time the Tibetan Government had expressed the desire that one of the boys should study irrigation engineering. Since Kyipu had not expressed any desire for further study and was not happy with cartography, it was felt it would be best that Kyipu should return to India and pursue a course in irrigation. It was arranged that Kyipu should enrol in a college in India. In late 1917 Kyipu left for India with a view to enrolling at the Civil Engineering College in Roorke.

Lhasa, Tibet
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In 1920 Mundo came back to England with some specimen ores. Arnold at the India Office was anxious and feared that Mundo might not return to Tibet again since many private companies had in the past shown great interest in commercial mining in Tibet and Central Asia. Mundo was one of the very few people with first-hand knowledge of Tibetan geology. Arnold noted, “I now doubt the wisdom of having Mundo back again in this country. He might refuse to return to Tibet and with his special knowledge and experience he might be able to obtain employment elsewhere!” In the event the India’s Office’s fear was proved to be wrong. Mundo did return to Tibet. On his way there, wanting to gain experience in gold mining, he joined a brief course at the Kolar Gold mine in Mysore, India.

The Kolar gold fields, 1913
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Ringang was the most gifted of all the boys. His school reports were full of praise from his teachers. From the beginning Edward Gould wrote, “To my mind the most attractive of the boys.” While at Rugby Ringang excelled in all aspects of school life. He showed great academic ability. Unlike the other boys, Ringang was able to participate in all school activities. Both socially and academically Ringang was able to integrate with other students without difficulties. At Rugby, Ringang was also able to take up classes in French and German, His French master wrote, “works in a thorough manner, his attention never wavers.” And his tutor wrote, “his mastery or his work bespeaks distinct intelligence.” The question of Ringang's further education was less of a problem. He was naturally gifted and had achieved good academic standards. In 1916 Ringang was seventeen years old. He had told the India Office that he wished to leave Rugby and pursue a professional course. He also felt his time at Rugby was wasted. In September 1916 Ringang left Rugby and the following month enrolled at the Northampton Polytechnic Institute (now City University) for a course in electrical engineering, specialising in hydro-electricity.

The India Office was pleased with Ringang’s progress and success. Ringang showed himself able, intelligent and confident. In 1920 he completed his course in electrical engineering and soon after returned to Tibet. He had planned to introduce electricity in Tibet. On his return, Ringang investigated the needs for electricity in Tibet and in 1922 he was back in London, this time with a shopping list. He planned to install electricity at the Potala.

Once the boys returned to Tibet they were welcomed by the Dalai Lama. In this short essay I shall not deal with their respective careers in Tibet. The question remains: was the experiment a success? For the Tibetan Government the boys’ return had little benefit and no way can we conclude that the boys shaped or influenced the course of Tibetan history. On their return to Tibet the boys remained on the periphery of power. They did not occupy any position of real power to effect change. When Gongkar returned to Tibet, the India Office requested Charles Bell to report on his progress in training the Tibetan army. Bell observed correctly when he reported to the India Office, “He (Gongkar) being of only a middle class family those of high rank would not serve under him”. To some extent this was the experience of all the boys. Positions of power and authority in Tibet are occupied by the major aristocratic families of Tibet. The boys belonged to families who were on the fringe of the Tibetan nobility. The India Office had always assumed that the boys were from the families of the highest nobility. Shuckburgh at the India Office commented, “It seems a great pity that the Tibetan Government have chosen as the subject of their experiment youths whose status was not sufficiently exalted to admit full advantage being taken in Tibet of what they learned in England”.

Although the boys expressed their hope of contributing to the development in Tibet they never showed any political consciousness. They did not feel the need to reproduce in Tibet the progress of technology and modernity they saw in England. It is doubtful whether the boys “encouraged the Tibetans to look to England, rather than to other countries” for friendship as was hoped by the India Office. The episode was for the 13th Dalai Lama an attempt to shift the course of development in Tibet. From his exile years in India, he had realised the urgent need to bring Tibet into the 20th century. For Britain the experiment provided an opportunity to place English educated Tibetans at the centre of powers in Tibet and favour Britain in the Great Game. In the end, the boys did little to bring Tibet into the 20th century nor did they influence the course of Tibetan history.

Kyipup (left) and Möndö (right) in 1939
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Mundo did not excel in school work either. His housemaster wrote in his report, “He had not much interest in his school work.” Mundo was feeling homesick and had earlier expressed his wish to return to Tibet as soon as possible. The India Office realized, wisely, that it would be futile to return to Tibet without some kind of professional training. It was agreed that Mundo should pursue a course in mining in accordance with the desire of the Tibetan Government. In July 1915 the Manager of the Carlton Main Colliery offered to admit Mundo at Grimethorpe Colliery. It was arranged that Mundo would lodge with the vicar of Grimethorpe, Rev J.E. Lamin. Mundo was enrolled at the colliery for the initial period of six months as a paid apprentice. Mundo did not find the course at the colliery to his liking and at the same time the vicar had left the village. The India Office felt Mundo should be moved from Grimethorpe “the village does not provide companions suitable for him.” Mundo had already changed his mind about mining and written to the India Office expressing that he wished to study Geology rather than actual mining technique. He also felt he should not delay his return to Tibet much longer, as his mother was old and not in good health.

The best place for geology and mining was Camborne School of Matalliferous Mining in Cornwall. Mundo was transferred to Camborne. There he went through a course in theoretical geology, mineralogy and sought a special course in gold assaying. By September 1916 Mundo was eager to go back to Tibet but this time he had a different motive for returning. He had informed his college that he would like to carry out geological fieldwork and ascertain the conditions in Tibet. He had also planned to return with specimen ores to England and continue his study. During his time at Camborne, Mundo seems to have been happy and to have found the course at the mining school interesting. He showed great enthusiasm. While there he thought about his role when he would return to Tibet in the future. On September 1916 Mundo wrote to the India Office, “I shall hope that my life in England may have influence in affecting improvements in the house-building, road-making and details connected with these in Tibet.” Mundo returned to Tibet in late 1916 with a view to returning to England with specimen ores. He remained in Tibet for nearly three years carrying out fieldwork in the areas surrounding Lhasa.

Three of the former Rugby Boys being entertained as guests by the members of the German SS expedition to Tibet in 1939
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